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Thursday, November 20, 2008
A Statement From The International Quranic Centeق
in 08-11-13
On Wednesday, November 12, 2008
Egypt State security forces threaten to kill the mother of Mr.(Redda
Abdel-Rahman Ali) When she tried to ask them about the whereabouts of her son,
who was kidnapped earlier by them.
1- Fearing for the life of her son, the mother of Mr.Redda Abdel-Rahman Ali,
and her two daughters (Azza, and Hebba), went to the center of the State
Security forces in (Kafr Saqr), to ask about the whereabouts of her son who was
taken away from his home on Sunday October, 26 last month, and they have not
heard from him. Their Attorneys were unable to find anything about him or about
where he is being kept.
She was met by their police forces who would not allow her to (even) inquire
about him, when she asked to speak to the officer in charge – Officer Ahmed
Khedr-; they refused to let her see him. When she insisted on meeting him to
find out where and what have they done to her son, she saw the officer in charge
walking with a police high ranking office. She waited with her daughters till
the high ranking officer departed the center, but then the officer in charge,
Ahmed khedr, attacked her and her daughters and insulted her with the most
brutal and filthy language, he then ordered his troops to point their guns
towards them and threatened them with death if they do not leave the place
immediately, he himself drew his gun and pointed it at them with the same
threats. He also threatened one of the daughters that he would arrest her and
get her kicked out of her university. His troops followed his orders and pushed
and shoved the mother and both her daughters out of the building, committing in
the process some sexual harassment to all of them. A law suit will be filled
against that officer along with the minister of interior for these violations
and misconduct and abuse of power.
2- The International Quranic Center holds Gamal Mubarak, son of the president,
personally responsible for their safety and the safety of Mr. Redda Abdel-Rahman
as well as ALL the Quranists in Egypt, Gamal Mubarak is the de facto Ruler in
Egypt, and the minister of interior, Habib El-Adly- reports to him and follows
his orders to the letter.
3- the International Quranic Center, urges ALL the human rights organizations
in Egypt and worldwide, to support and help bring to an end the tyranny of this
regime and to stand firmly against the minister of interior Habib El-Adly who
terrorizes the Egyptian population and intimidates women and children and
misuses his authority to repress the Egyptian people.
ما هى جريمة القرآنيين ؟- للكاتب احمد صبحي منصور
1 ـ لقب ( القرآنيين ) أطلقه عليه أعداؤنا ، وأول قضية كانوا يحاكموننا فيها (رقم 567 ) لعام 1987 كانت تحمل اسم ( القرآنيين ). ونؤكد أننا لسنا طائفة أو حزبا أو جماعة ، ولكننا تيار فكرى مسلم مسالم يسعى الى الاصلاح بالحوار فى ضوء القرآن الذى يجب التحاكم اليه عند الخلاف ، وفى مقال نشرته لى الأخبار عام 1989 قلت ( لنكن جيل الحوار ليكون أبناؤنا جيل الاختيار ).
الاضطهاد كان هو الرد على الدعوة للحوار والذى بدأته مذ كنت مدرسا مساعدا فى قسم التاريخ جامعة الأزهر (عام 1977 ). ولم ينقطع من من ذلك التاريخ ..
2 ـ وتنوع الاضطهاد ، من تعطيل رسالتى فى الحصول على الدكتوراة ثلاث سنوات بهف تغيير ما أكتبه ، وفى النهاية تم الاتفاق على حذف ثلثى الرسالة والاكتفاء بمناقشة ثلثها فقط ، وحصلت على الدكتوراة عام 1980 بمرتبة الشرف الولى. ولكن الاضطهاد كان يتجدد مع ظهور كل كتاب لى من ( السيد البدوى بين الحقيقة والخرافة ) عام 1982 الى آخر خمسة كتب ألّفتها وقررتها على طلبتى فى الجامعة فكان قرار رئيس الجامعة فى 5/5/ 1985 بوقفى عن العمل و مصادرة مستحقاتى المالية ومنعى من الترقية لاستاذ مساعد و ومنعى من السفر واحالتى للتحقيق ، حيث كان رئيس التحقيق عميد كلية اصول الدين بأسيوط وقتها:د. محمد سيد طنطاوى ، وانتهى التحقيق بعد إصرارى على ما كتبت الى إحالتى الى مجلس التأديب ، وبعد حوالى عامين تحررت منهم فى مارس 1987 . وفى وقت العمل على عودة العلاقات بين مصر والسعودية اتفق السنيون على الضغط على الحكومة المصرية لمعاقبتى ،فعقدوا مؤتمرا فى اسلام أباد برعاية ضياء الحق ، انتهى باعلان ردتى عن الاسلام ، وأكدوا هذا فى مؤتمرآخر عقدته رابطة العالم الاسلامى فى جدة فى نفس العام فكانت أول موجة فى القبض علينا فى نوفمبر عام 1987 .
قبلها وخلال (1980 : 1987 ) كنت أجوب المساجد أخطب فيها ويلتف حولى الناس .وفى حملة عشوائية قبضوا على حوالى 60 شخصا معى من اعتادوا حضور خطب الجمعة معى ، وكان منهم أساتذة جامعات و أطباء ومحامين وفلاحين. ولأنه لا توجد فى القانون المصرى تهمة إنكار السنة فبعد تحقيق معى استمر شهرين فى تتبع كل آرائى العلمية الاسلامية افرجوا عنا مع استمرار المراقبة والاستدعاء .
3 ـ عملت بعدها كاتبا وباحثا متفرغا وناشطا ، نشرت لى روز اليوسف فى عهدها الذهبى و معظم الجرائد المصرية الحكومية و المستقلة، كما عملت فى نفس الوقت ناشطا مع منظمات حقوق الانسان والمجتمع المدنى ، بدءا من تحالفى مع الراحل فرج فودة ( 1989 : 1992 ) الى المنظمة المصرية لحقوق الانسان والحركة الوطنية لمواجهة الارهاب والجمعية المصرية للتنوير،الى أن تفرغت للعمل مع د. سعد الدين ابراهيم فى مركز ابن خلدون ، حيث أقمت الرواق الأسبوعى (رواق ابن خلدون ) خمس سنوات أقمنا فيها حوارا راقيا حول الاصلاح ،بالاضافة الى المشاركة الفعالة فى مشروعات المركز الاصلاحية وأهمها مشروع اصلاح التعليم المصرى ، ومشروع التربية السياسية وتعليم المصريين حقوقهم الانتخابية ( 1998 : 2000 ). أتحدث هنا عن نفسى وكثير من المثقفين المسلمين الذين أطلق عايهم لقب (القرآنيون ).
وقبل القبض على د. سعد الدين ابراهيم بدأ القبض على أفراد من أسرتى وتعذيبهم ، ثم اتسع الأمر بالقبض على جماعات من الرفاق القدامى فيما بين عامى 2000 و2001 ، ودخلوا السجن بتهم إزدراء الدين ، بعد أن تعرضوا لتعذيب بشع ـ لارغامهم على توريطى معهم فيما ألصقوه من تهم لهم حول أفكارهم ومعتقداتهم ، أحسست بقرب القبض على فهربت الى أمريكا عام 2001 .
فى عام 2005 أطلقت موقع (أهل القرآن ) :
http://www.ahl-alquran.com/arabic/main.php
وأقمت ( المركز العالمى للقرآن ) ليقيم حوار مفتوحا على الانترنت فى اصلاح المسلمين سلميا ، وفى 2007 أعلنت فى مقال ( رحيق العمر مجانا ) أننى بصدد نشر كل مؤلفاتى ومقالاتى القديمة التى نشرتها من قبل الأخبار وروز اليوسف و الأحرار و العالم اليوم..وغيرها ، وقلت أن هناك مجموعة يقومون بجمع واعادة كتابة هذه المقالات ،على رأسهم أخى غير الشقيق الاستاذ عبد اللطيف سعيد . وسرعان ما تم القبض على عبد الطيف سعيد وأربعة معه ، حيث تعرضوا لتعذيب شديد ، ( مايو : اكتوبر 2007 ) ولا يزالون حتى الآن رهن الملاحقة الأمنية مع أنهم كفّوا فعلا عن الاقتراب من جهاز الكومبيوتر بعد العذاب الذى تعرضوا له.
4 ـ وظل شاب من أقاربى يكتب ، هو الاستاذ ( رضا عبد الرحمن على ) المدرس فى الأزهر . جاءه التهديد من الأزهر ليكف عن الكتابة ، وخصموا له من مرتبه ، فلم يهتم . فكان أن إختطفه ( أمن الدولة ) يوم الأحد 26 اكتوبر الماضى ، وحتى الان لا يعلم أحد عنه شيئا.
وقد تطوعت ـ مشكورة ـ (المبادرة المصرية للحقوق الشخصية ) فكلفت الاستاذ عادل رمضان المحامى بالوقوف الى جانب الاستاذ ( رضا عبد الرحمن على ) وتبعها ( مركز اندلس لدراسات التسامح ومناهضة العنف ) فكلّف الاستاذ محمد ابراهيم المحامى لنفس الأمر. ومع أن بلاغا تم تقديمه للنائب العام يتهم (أمن الدولة ) بخطف الاستاذ رضا عبد الرحمن على ، ويطلب معرفة مكانه ، إلا أننا حتى الان لا نعرف أين هو ، وما هى التهمة الموجهة اليه .
يحدث هذا مواكبا لاضطهاد آخر يتعرض له الآن أقاربى الذين لا حول لهم ولا قوة والذين لاشأن لهم بما أكتب ، فقد تفرغ فرع امن الدولة فى مدينة كفرصقر شرقية لترويع أهلى بقيادة ضابط شجاع اسمه (أحمد خضر ) يرى شهامته فى ترويع النساء والأطفال الذين لا حول لهم ولا قوة ، هذا الضابط الهمام يرسل المخبرين ليقتحموا بيوت أهلى ، كتدريبات عملية عسكرية لتنفيذ اعتقالهم ، مع القيام باحصاء أعدادهم حتى أسماء الأطفال ، وعندما وعظتهم شقيقتى السيدة زهير منصور بأن يتقوا الله انهال عليها مخبر أمن الدولة سبا وشتما .
ثانيا : ماالذى فعلناه لنستحق هذا ؟
1 ـ ما الذى فعلناه لكى يرسلوا جيوشا مسلحة للقبض علينا عام 1987 وعام 2007 وهذا العام ؟ ؟
لا أملك سوى (الأفكار ) أكتبها بحكم التخصص العلمى ،ورضا عبد الرحمن على لا يزال يتعلم البحث وينشر مقالاته عندنا، وفى مواقع اخرى كالحوار المتمدن و عرب تايمز، ومقالاته غاية فى الاعتدال .وعبد اللطيف سعيد وصحبه ما فعلوا سوى ( نسخ ) مقالات لى سبق نشرها ، وسيتم نشرها فيما بعد .!!
2 ـ هل الخطورة العظمى فيما نكتبه ؟ .
نحن نكتب فى السياسة طلبا للاصلاح ،وما نكتبه أقل حدة مما يكتبه ابراهيم عيسى ود . محمد سيد سعيد ود. عمرو الشوبكى ود. أسامة الغزالى حرب ..وآخرون ..
وكتاباتنا الاسلامية الدينية تدور حول تصحيح العقائد والعبادات بالقرآن أملا فى دخول الناس الجنة ونجاتهم من النار، فهل تمتد سلطة أمن الدولة الى الآخرة أيضا ؟
ثم أننا لا نفرض أفكارنا على أحد مع انها مدعمة بالقرآن الكريم ، وموقعنا مفتوح للنقاش ، ولم نتفق بعد على شىء لأننا جيل الحوار والنقاش .
وكل ما نملك موقع وحيد فقير على الانترنت يواجه آلاف المواقع ومئات القنوات الفضائية وآلاف العلماء والمنظمات والجامعات،عجزوا جميعا أمام الحجة فاستعملوا سلطة الدولة وأمن الدولة .
3 ـ ان محضر التحقيق الذى أجروه مع أخى عبد اللطيف تحت سياط التعذيب سيظل عارا على النظام الحاكم فى الحاضر والمستقبل..
هل يصح أن تستجوب انسانا وتعاقبه لأنه لا يصلى ركعات السّنة ؟ أو لأنه حين يصليها يسميها (نافلة ) طبقا لما جاء فى القرآن الكريم ؟ هل تعاقبه لأنه يقول التشهد بالآية 18 من سورة آل عمران ولا يقول التحيات لأنه يرى أنه مختلف فيها وأنها صيغت بعد موت النبى محمد عليه السلام ؟ هل تعاقب انسانا ليعترف لك بما كان يسمعه من دروس أخيه فى المساجد فى التسعينيات ؟ هل تعاقبه لأنه يصلى فى بيته ؟ أو لأنه لا يعتقد فى شفاعة النبى محمد عليه السلام وهو نفس ما قاله الأمام محمد عبده والشيخ شلتوت وحتى مصطفى محمود ؟ هل تعاقب انسانا على علاقته بربه وعقيدته وفكره ، مع أنه لم يقم بفرض فكره على أحد ؟
ثم ما شأن الغلابة من أسرتى الذين لا دخل لهم بما أقول ؟ وقد ابتعدوا عنى خوفا فلم يفدهم ابتعادهم بشىء لأن جريمتهم الكبرى ثابتة عليهم وهى أنهم أقارب أحمد صبحى منصور؟
ما الذى فعله الحاج أحمد سعيد وعبد الكريم سعيد والحاج عبد الوهاب محمود والمهندس حلمى رزق و رجب رزق والاستاذ محمد محمود ومنصور محمود .. وعشرات آخرون يعيشون فى رعب بسبب قرابتهم لى ؟
هل نصب أمن الدولة نفسه وكيلا عن الله جل وعلا ليحاسب الناس على عقائدهم ، ويتخذ من الأقارب رهائن فى تصفية خلافاته العقيدية معى ؟
وهل تم حل كل مشكلات مصر ولم يبق سوى معضلة القرآنيين ؟
4 ـ نحن فقط الذين نتعرض للتعذيب بسبب آرائنا الدينية .
الأقباط مضطهدون لأنهم أقباط ، ولكن لم يحدث أن تعرض أحدهم للتعذيب لأنه قبطى.
البهائيون مضطهدون لأنهم يريدون الاعتراف بهم ، ولكن لم يحدث أن تعرض بهائى للتعذيب لأنه بهائى ، ونحن لا نريد من أحد أن يعترف بنا لأننا لسنا طائفة ولسنا جماعة أو تنظيما ، نريد فقط حرية الفكر والمعتقد للجميع.
5 ـ هناك فتوى رسمية أصدرها رئيس لجنة الفتوى بالأزهر الشيخ محمد المشد تقول بأن من ينكر السنة ليس كافرا ، وقد سجلها الشيخ محمد الغزالى فى كتابه ( تراثنا الفكري)، لذلك غيروا اتهامنا من إنكار السنة الى إزدراء الدين ، فهل من يهب حياته لتبرئة الاسلام من تهم التطرف والارهاب والتزمت ، ولكى يثبت أن الاسلام هو دين السلام والعدل والتسامح وحقوق الانسان ـ هل يكون متهما بازدراء الدين ؟
ثم .. على فرض أنه كذلك فما ذنب الاخرين من أهله ؟ والله جل وعلا يقرر أنه ( ألآّ تزر وازرة وزر أخرى ) ؟
أخيرا.
ليست عندى أجابة.
الاجابة عند السيد ( جمال مبارك ) ..هو المسئول الفعلى عما يحدث لنا..
الكاتب احمد صبحي منصور- باحث مستقل في الدراسات الاسلامية
The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights [EIPR] urged the government to release Quranist blogger Reda Abdel Rahman
The Quranists are a group of Muslims who consider the Quran to be the sole source of Islamic jurisprudence and are often slammed with accusations that include denying the sunnah, or traditions and sayings of Prophet Mohamed.
The group argues that only the Quran can be used to establish laws in Islam and claim that the sunnah is not reliable.
There has been a crackdown on Quranists in recent years, and the state has accused them of disrespecting and "corrupting" Islam.
EIPR filed a complaint calling on the prosecutor general to investigate the detention, which they argue is solely because of his religious views. This contradicts the Egyptian constitution’s freedom of religion statutes.
"Once again the state’s secret intelligence violates the constitutional right of freedom of expression with impunity," EIPR executive director Hossam Bahgat told Daily News Egypt.
"We call on the prosecutor general to secure Abdel Rahman's release and investigate his unlawful detention." Bahgat added.
Abdel Rahman, 32, is a social worker in a preparatory school affiliated to Al-Azhar University, and was arrested at his home in Sharqiya on Oct. 27. According to the EIPR, police confiscated Abdel Rahman's computer and a number of his books and CDs.
This is not the first time Abdel Rahman is taken into custody for articles that he had written on his blog, “Justice Freedom and Peace." He was arrested once before last July.
"Abdel Rahman is the latest victim of systemic violations of freedom of belief and expression by the state security intelligence," said Adel Ramadan, EIPR lawyer representing Abdel Rahman.
"We are waiting for the prosecutor general to intervene immediately to stop these violations and end impunity for their perpetrators."
Daily News Egypt
Wednesday, November 19, 2008
Kareem Amer a besoin de vous!
http://freekareem.rsfblog.org/
« J’ai peur que la prison me brise comme elle l’a fait pour d’autre » écrit-il.
C’est très difficile pour lui et Il souffre de son emprisonnement surtout qu’il n’a rien fait de mal.
Il dit clairement qu’il a besoin de soutien des gens. Ce soutien est la seule chose qui peut garantir sa force. Il demande à ceux qu’ils lui écrivent de ne pas arrêter de le soutenir car cela l’aide vraiment.
Kareem Amer
Borg el Arab prison, Section 22 Cell 1 Alexandria, Egypt
04.09.2008
ÉGYPTE : LA RÉPRESSION DE L'UTILISATION DE L'INTERNET PREND DE L'AMPLEUR
Tandis que sa blogosphère prospère, l'Égypte trouve de nouveaux moyens de réprimer les blogueurs et autres usagers de l'Internet.
Le 9 août, le Réseau arabe d'information sur les droits de la personne (Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, ANHRI) rapportait que le gouvernement égyptien oblige maintenant les cafés Internet à rassembler et à conserver des renseignements personnels - notamment les noms, adresses de courriel et numéros de téléphone - des usagers de l'Internet. De plus, les usagers des cafés Internet doivent posséder un téléphone mobile afin de pouvoir vérifier leurs renseignements personnels, y compris un numéro d'identification personnel.
Selon l'ANHRI, ces mesures équivalent à de la censure, violent la vie privée, découragent l'accès aux renseignements sur l'Internet et violent la libre expression des forums en ligne. D'après le Centre (officiel) de soutien aux renseignements et aux décisions, l'Égypte compte plus de 162 000 blogueurs, dont la plupart ont entre 20 et 30 ans, qui constituent 30 pour 100 de tous les blogueurs arabes.
Trente jeunes militants arrêtés à Alexandrie en juillet étaient membres du groupe Facebook, qui compte 64 000 membres et qui est relié au Mouvement du 6 avril, d'opposition, indique le site web Menassat. Quatorze des militants détenus, connus maintenant sous l'appellation de « Jeunes de Facebook », ont été relâchés avant le 4 août; aucun d'eux n'a été formellement inculpé de quoi que ce soit.
Mohammed Refaat, un blogueur arrêté le 21 juillet, devait être relâché le 17 août. Mais les autorités se sont prévalues de l'état d'urgence en vigueur depuis 40 ans pour le garder en prison, indique Reporters sans frontières (RSF). Refaat avait été arrêté pour avoir « offensé les
institutions de l'État », « mis en danger la sécurité publique » et « avoir utilisé l'Internet pour inciter d'autres personnes à manifester et faire la grève » - « mais il n'y a rien de politique dans blogue », maintient RSF.
On continue par ailleurs à utiliser les vieux moyens pour réprimer la libre expression.
Un avocat ayant des liens avec le parti au pouvoir a exigé qu'une cinéaste égyptienne éminente soit flagellée, rapporte l'ANHRI le 13 août. L'avocat a demandé que Enas El-Dighaidy reçoive 80 coups de fouet à cause de son film « Journal d'une adolescente », qui selon lui diffame l'Égypte.
De telles affaires « Hesba » contre les auteurs et les artistes, qui font intervenir des allégations d'insulte à Dieu, peuvent être déposées par des avocats ou par le gouvernement, et elles se sont considérablement multipliées au cours des deux dernières années, signale l'ANHRI. Dans
l'affaire « Hesba » la plus retentissante, le journaliste Ibrahim Issa doit comparaître devant le tribunal le 28 septembre pour tenter de faire renverser une peine de six mois de prison. Dans une autre affaire distincte, Issa et trois rédacteurs comparaissent en cour le 6 septembre.
Aussi en août, le Comité pour la protection des journalistes (CPJ) a commémoré le cinquième anniversaire de la disparition d'un éminent journaliste, que les autorités égyptiennes ne reconnaissent pas. Reda Helal, un rédacteur chevronné au grand quotidien égyptien « Al-Ahram », propriété de l'État, est disparu le 11 août 2003 tandis qu'il rentrait chez
lui dans la partie du Caire remplie d'immeubles gouvernementaux et de missions diplomatiques.
Consulter les sites suivants :
- Répression de l'Internet : http://tinyurl.com/5gqag5
- Pratique du blogue en Égypte : http://tinyurl.com/5dvpme
- « Jeunesse Facebook » : http://tinyurl.com/5snmo8
- Flagellation exigée : http://tinyurl.com/5c4799
- Poursuites judiciaires « Hesba » : http://tinyurl.com/63mr9b
- Anniversaire de la disparition : http://tinyurl.com/67ubyn
01.09.2008
Le cyberdissident Kareem Amer ne peut plus voir la lumière du jour : Reporters sans frontières dénonce ses conditions de détention
Reporters sans frontières dénonce les conditions de détention du blogueur Abdel Kareem Nabil Suleiman ("Kareem Amer"), détenu depuis le 6 novembre 2006 dà la prison de Borg El Arab (40km d‘Alexandrie). Il lui est interdit de sortir de sa cellule. Ses livres lui ont également été confisqués et son état de santé se dégrade suite aux mauvais traitements dont il est victime.
“Ses conditions de détention sont inacceptables. Kareem Amer est victime d’un acharnement scandaleux de la part des gardiens de la prison. Non seulement ils l’empêchent de quitter sa cellule, mais ils poussent régulièrement ses codétenus à le battre. Son état de santé se dégrade à vue d’œil sans qu’un médecin puisse l’examiner. Nous demandons sa libération immédiate“, a déclaré l’organisation.
Le 31 août 2008, son avocate, Rawda Ahmed, est allée lui rendre visite. Il lui a alors confié que les gardiens l’empêchaient de sortir de sa cellule. Selon elle, “il est malade et maltraité par le personnel carcéral“.
Kareem Amer, 22 ans, a été condamné à quatre ans de prison le 22 février 2007 pour “incitation à la haine de l’islam“ et “insulte au président“ après avoir publié des articles sur son blog (www.karam903.blogspot.com). Il dénonçait régulièrement les dérives religieuses et autoritaires du gouvernement de Hosni Moubarak, critiquant notamment les plus hautes institutions religieuses du pays, en particulier l’université sunnite Al-Azhar, dans laquelle il étudiait le droit.
Reporters sans frontières a décerné le prix “Cyberlibertés“ à Kareem Amer le 5 décembre 2007. En Egypte, il est le premier blogueur condamné en raison de son activité sur Internet et celui dont la peine est la plus longue.
L’Egypte est classée 146e sur 169 du classement mondial de la liberté de la presse établi par Reporters sans frontières et qualifiée d’ “Ennemi d’Internet“ par l’organisation.
http://freekareem.rsfblog.org/
How Al-Azhar’s Students and Security Attacked & Tried to Kill Kareem
March 31st, 2007
Very chilling. There are really no words. We have translated his story below.
Notes:
• The article below is an English translation of a blog entry Abdul Kareem Nabeel Suleiman (alias: Kareem Amer) published on May 7, 2006, approximately two months after his expulsion from Al-Azhar University.
• The original text can be found below, or at his blog.
• This translation was produced by the Free Kareem Coalition, an interfaith alliance of young bloggers and college students committed to the principles of freedom of thought and freedom of speech.
• Distribution of this translation is encouraged.
An Adobe PDF file of this translation is available for distribution: Get PDF version here.
By Abdul Kareem Nabeel Suleiman (Kareem Amer)
Sunday, May 7, 2006I was not surprised when some security bureaus announced that one of those who executed the recent Sinai Peninsula bombings was an Al-Azhar University student from the Faculty of The Fundamentals of Religion. I am well aware that this university is one of Egypt’s important producers of terrorism through its academic curricula, with which it strongly fills students’ minds, and so turns them into human monsters that do not hesitate to harm whoever announces his disagreement with them. This is because their curricula have taught them – in all simplicity – that those who differ from them do not have a place in this life.
Until not long ago, I used to know about this in a purely theoretical manner, without entering into the midst of a practical experience with the university’s students or teachers from the field of material terrorism. Until a few hours before writing these lines, I did not expect to face a violent terrorist operation by those who study at that university, because generalization is harmful in all cases. Just as evil is present, so is good, even if in a quasi minimal state.
This unconsciousness continued to afflict me successively until this morning. I headed off to pick up my papers from the faculty; I was expelled from it by the decision of a disciplinary board about two months ago for freely expressing my opinions. From the moment I entered the door, I felt gazes of wreak and revenge in the eyes of every one who saw and recognized me. When I went to the student affairs office to request my papers, they asked me to wait for a short while because the employee in charge will be present soon.
During the sting of waiting, I decided to take a stroll in the faculty because it could be my last, and I could bid farewell to this ruined nest in which I tasted calamities during my years of studying in it. Once I passed in front of the door, a police assistant guarding the faculty sent to me some of his affiliates, who ordered me to head to the security cabin. I accompanied them, and was surprised with the aforementioned police assistant requesting that I leave the faculty because I’m not allowed to enter it.
I was shocked at this request. I told him that I did not come here wearing an explosives belt around my waist to blow up this place, but rather to pick up my papers because of my expulsion. He said that the employee in charge is absent today, even though I was told by some student affairs office employees that he would be coming in a short while.
Some security officials, including one in civilian clothes, were standing in the room during our quarrel. Students thronged in front of the door, and stared at me with their eyes as though they had found a rare archaeological masterpiece. One of the students shouted at me in an exaggeratingly angry manner, “Are you the one who wrote what’s being attributed to you?” I asked him to get away from me because I was not in a state that permitted me to engage in a discussion.
After the police assistant made some phone calls within the faculty, he informed me that my file was at the Legal Affairs office in Cairo to confirm the decision to expel me, and that I have to call the faculty from time to time before coming in order to learn whether the file had returned to its headquarters. I obtained from him the phone number, and then walked out of the faculty through the door designated for students.
The violent phase of this Azhar-shaped University’s farce did not begin when I glimpsed at the security official, who was inside, coming toward me with a cylindrical-shaped stick in his hand. At first, he took my hand under one of his arms and asked me to sit with him someplace to discuss something with me. Realizing the danger of this situation, I stripped my hand from under his shoulder and told him that I was in a rush, and that I needed to hurry home. However, he violently pulled me by my clothes, so I ran like the wind toward the back door of the faculty that I had originally exited from.
A university guard glimpsed at me and instantly told me to stay away because I’m prohibited from entering. I asked him, “Do you know what was about to happen to me?” He literally responded, “I know… But I did not see anything!”
At that moment, I clung to the door and asked them to bring me a taxi, because I could not leave under these circumstances. I waited for some time until the police assistant accepted my request. I accompanied him to the public street so I can wait with him to take any taxi ride to the bus stop at the west of the Nile Delta, and from there I would go to Alexandria. However, he asked me to take any other transportation means, and I refused because I couldn’t guarantee what might happen inside the vehicle. He told me, “We do not work for your parents,” and left me in front of the door.
I did not wait for long before I found a taxi coming toward me. I stopped it and asked the driver to take me to the bus stop. A student sat beside the driver, so I had to sit in the back seat of the car. The driver barely drove away from the faculty door when I found that about twenty students had surrounded the car from all sides, and with them was the security official who was dressed in civilian clothes. In their hands, I saw white weapons [knives], leather belts, and sticks. After forcing the driver to stop, they opened the back doors and forcibly attempted to get me out of the car, but I held onto my seat. They were threatening to kill me in a manner that I had not expected from students who have supposedly been receiving their education in a university. The other student then left the car, and the driver managed to escape them with difficulty. He asked me to get out of the car after driving a large distance from them.
I left the car and ran a sufficient distance from the source of danger, which seconds ago was about to have me killed. I rode another taxi, which took me to my destination. I returned safely, but with some minor scratches and bruises on my feet as a result of what happened with me.
I found myself enquiring: What did I commit so I would face such attacks? Is my mere disagreement with prevalent ideas a matter that requires attacking me and trying to kill me?!
It causes me grief when I find these youths being brainwashed in this manner, transforming into people who harm others for their mere disagreement with them in some of their points of view!
It causes us pity to find that one of our universities is turning into an institution for graduating all kinds of terrorists!
It causes us to cry, be grieved, and be struck with frustration to find ourselves threatened with death. Not because we kill. Not because we loot others’ property. Not because we transgress the limits of our freedom. But because we think!
Al-Azhar University does not move a muscle when one of its students blows himself up, or heads off to kill the defenceless innocents. Yet, it raises hell when one of its students has an independent, bold, and free opinion!
Today, and only today, I have realized the truth of the security forces’ connivance with religious extremism in Egypt. I learnt well how the regime lives on this terrorism, and that its existence is based on the existence of extremist groups, and the extremist (Al Azhar) university as well. This regime’s disappearance is necessarily coupled with their disappearance.
Free Kareem!
Who is Kareem Amer?
Abdul Kareem Nabeel Suleiman, better known by his Internet pseudonym Kareem Amer, is a 24-year-old native of Alexandria, Egypt. He grew up in a very religious family and attended the Al-Azhar religious school system his entire life. He began to rebel against the religious extremism he perceived in his school and began to express his opinions on a blog and Modern Discussion. When the Al-Azhar administration discovered his blog in late 2005, he was expelled from the school and his case was referred to state prosecutors. On February 22, 2007, Kareem was sentenced to four years in prison: three years for ‘contempt of religion’, and one year for ‘defaming the President of Egypt’. An appeal court in mid-March upheld the four-year prison sentence against him, and the judge approved a civil claim filed by the eleven lawyers who want to fine Kareem for ‘insulting Islam’. Kareem’s lawyers will apply for the Court of Cassation (third degree).
On his blog, Kareem describes himself as:
I am down to earth Law student; I look forward to help humanity against all form of discriminations… I am looking forward to open up my own human rights activists Law firm, which will include other lawyers who share the same views. Our main goal is to defend the rights of Muslim and Arabic women against all form of discrimination and to stop violent crimes committed on a daily basis in these countries.
What did Kareem post on his blog?
Please visit this page: What Kareem Said.
Why was he expelled from Al-Azhar University?
In early March 2006, Abdul Kareem was told to attend a disciplinary board at the Sharia & Law Faculty (Damanhour Campus) of Al-Azhar University. He was confronted with articles he had posted on his blog, as well as on Modern Discussion and Copts United, in which he expressed secular views, promoted gender equality, and criticized Al-Azhar University.
Articles he was questioned on included those that spoke of his secular opinions, criticized the university’s gender segregation policy, and disagreed with Al-Azhar’s Grand Sheikh’s pressuring the Islamic Research Academy to pledge allegiance to President Mubarak.
Kareem did not deny writing these articles, stating that they represented his own personal opinions and that they were published on the Internet, not on the campus premises.
At the end of the session, he was charged with:
→ Contempt of religions in general, and specifically Islam;
→ Insulting the Grand Sheikh of Al-Azhar, as well as another professor; and
→ Atheism.
A few days later, he was formally expelled from the university, and the Dean of the Sharia & Law Faculty, Dr. Hamdi Shalby, submitted a copy of the investigation documents to the Public Prosecutor.
Kareem described these incidents leading to his expulsion on his blog (see this), and through a video interview.
What did the Egyptian government accuse him of?
According to the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, Kareem stands charged with the following alleged crimes: (1) Spreading data and malicious rumors that disrupt public security; (2) Defaming the President of Egypt; (3) Incitement to overthrow the regime upon hatred and contempt; (4) Incitement to hate “Islam” and breach of the public peace standards; (5) Highlighting inappropriate aspects that harm the reputation of Egypt and spreading them to the public.
On what grounds is he being held?
Kareem was called into the prosecutor’s office in early November. Despite the presence of a human rights attorney representing him, he was interrogated about his personal religious practice and his opinion on current political issues. When he refused to recant his blog writings, he was detained for a few days. That detention has since been extended on several occasions, and over two months later Kareem is still in jail without trial. By the end of February 2007, he was sentenced to four years for the material he posted on his blog. An appeal court in mid-March upheld the four-year prison sentence against him, and the judge approved a civil claim filed by the eleven lawyers who want to fine Kareem for ‘insulting Islam’. Kareem’s lawyers will apply for the Court of Cassation (third degree).
What did his family say about all this?
Days before the jail sentence, his family publicly disowned him, and his father called for applying the Sharia on his son by giving three days to repent, followed by having him killed if he did not announce his repentance.
What comment has the Egyptian government made?
- Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Abul-Gheit issued a statement rejecting the interference of anyone, “whoever he may be”, in the work of the Egyptian judiciary, or anyone commenting on its provisions.
- The Egyptian Embassy in Washington, D.C., wrote a letter to The Washington Post defending Kareem’s imprisonment, claiming that Kareem was sentenced under an impartial judicial process. U.S. Congressman Trent Franks and the Free Kareem Coalition both had their responses to the Embassy published.
Are governments worldwide doing anything for Kareem?
- USA: The U.S. State Department issued statements expressing the United States’ concern over the conviction, as well as its disappointment in the unsuccessful appeal. Kareem’s indefinite detention in 2006 was reported in the State Department’s 2006 human rights report on Egypt. Furthermore, two Congressmen co-signed a joint letter to the Egyptian Ambassador to the USA, demanding Kareem Amer’s release.
- Italy: Three Italian MPs have written letters to the Egyptian Ambassador to Italy. An Italian MP and a Senator were present in the rally at Rome on Free Kareem Day.
- Sweden: A member of the Swedish Parliament was a main speaker during a Stockholm demonstration held one day before Kareem’s verdict was delivered.
- UK Independence Party Euro MP Derek Clark, intervening in a Euro-Mediterranean debate in the European Parliament, brought up the case of Kareem Amer’s imprisonment.
How did human rights groups react to Kareem’s imprisonment?
- In March 2007, Kareem was awarded the 2007 Hugo Young Award for Journalism at the 7th Annual Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Awards Ceremony.
- Kareem has been adopted as an Honorary Member of English PEN, “the world’s only international fellowship of writers, working together to promote literature and defend the freedom to write.”. Kareem’s English PEN profile is available here
- Reporters Without Borders, along with well-known French bloggers, held a surprise demonstration for Kareem at Paris’ world tourism trade fair.
- Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Reporters without Borders, and The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information all have condemned the arrest and sentence.
Were any demonstrations held to protest Kareem’s imprisonment?
On Free Kareem Day, rallies were held in front of Egyptian Embassies around the world in Washington, D.C., Paris, London, Rome, and New York City. Demonstrations were also held on other dates in Bahrain, Stockholm, New York City, and Washington, D.C.
Most recently, Reporters Without Borders, along with well-known French bloggers, held a surprise demonstration for Kareem at Paris’ world tourism trade fair.
I want to help Kareem. What can I do?
Visit our What You Can Do action center!
I want to send Kareem a letter. How can I contact him?
Please visit our Write to Kareem! page.
I feel sorry about Kareem, but it seems your campaign only cares for him and not for other prisoners.
We do care for everyone who’s imprisoned only for expressing their views. Please see our response here: Why Kareem? What About the Others?
I am a Muslim. Why should I support someone who criticized my religion?
Excellent question. This Web site supports Kareem for his right to express himself, not for what he said. This was never about agreeing or disagreeing with what he said. It’s about his right to say it.
- Please read this explanation, as well as Muslims Standing with Kareem.
I have a question that was not addressed on this page.
Ask : .
WLUML: Women Living Under Muslim Laws
Women Living Under Muslim Laws is an international solidarity network that provides information, support and a collective space for women whose lives are shaped, conditioned or governed by laws and customs said to derive from Islam.
For more than two decades WLUML has linked individual women and organisations. It now extends to more than 70 countries ranging from South Africa to Uzbekistan, Senegal to Indonesia and Brazil to France. It links:
- women living in countries or states where Islam is the state religion, secular states with Muslim majorities as well as those from Muslim communities governed by minority religious laws;
- women in secular states where political groups are demanding religious laws;
- women in migrant Muslim communities in Europe, the Americas, and around the world;
- non-Muslim women who may have Muslim laws applied to them directly or through their children;
- women born into Muslim communities/families who are automatically categorized as Muslim but may not define themselves as such, either because they are not believers or because they choose not to identify themselves in religious terms, preferring to prioritise other aspects of their identity such as political ideology, profession, sexual orientation or others.
HOW DID WLUML START?
WLUML was formed in 1984 in response to three cases in Muslim countries and communities in which women were being denied rights by reference to laws said to be ‘Muslim’ requiring urgent action. Nine women from Algeria, Morocco, Sudan, Iran, Mauritius, Tanzania, Bangladesh and Pakistan came together and formed the Action Committee of Women Living Under Muslim Laws in support of local women’s struggles. This evolved into the present network in 1986. The network is guided by Plans of Action which are reviewed periodically.
WHAT ARE WLUML’S AIMS AND FOCUS?
The network aims to strengthen women’s individual and collective struggles for equality and their rights, especially in Muslim contexts.
It achieves this by:
- Breaking the isolation in which women wage their struggles by creating and reinforcing linkages between women within Muslim countries and communities, and with global feminist and progressive groups;
- Sharing information and analysis that helps demystify the diverse sources of control over women’s lives, and the strategies and experiences of challenging all means of control.
HOW IS WLUML ORGANISED?
WLUML’s open structure has been designed to maximize participation of diverse and autonomous groups and individuals as well as collective decision-making. WLUML does not have formal membership and networkers are a fluid group of individuals and organisations who maintain regular two-way contact with the network.
The Programme Implementation Council (PIC) comprises 20-30 women and men involved in aspects of cross-regional networking within WLUML for a significant period of time. They take primary responsibility for developing and implementing the Plans of Action.
The International Coordination Office (ICO) has primary responsibility for facilitating coordination between networkers. Regional Coordination Offices are in Pakistan (Asia) and Senegal (Africa and Middle East) and are responsible for coordinating network activities in their respective regions. Although legally and financially autonomous, they are key components of WLUML. Based on their connections with networkers, and their knowledge and understanding of networkers’ activities and contexts, the ICO and Regional Offices ensure that the relevant people in the network are meeting, strategizing, planning and acting so as to support each other and thereby strengthen local, regional and global effectiveness.
WHAT ARE WLUML’S PRINCIPLES?
WLUML focuses on laws and customs and the concrete realities of women’s lives. This includes the often diverse practices and laws classified as ‘Muslim’ (resulting from different interpretations of religious texts and/or the political use of religion) and the effects these have on women, rather than on the religion of Islam itself.
The network consciously builds bridges across identities - within our contexts and internationally. We are especially concerned about marginalized women. This includes non-Muslims in Muslim majority states, especially where spaces for religious minorities is rapidly dwindling; Muslim minorities facing discrimination, oppression, or racism; women whose assertions of sexuality – including but not limited to sexual orientation - are either criminalized or are socially
unacceptable.
WLUML recognises that women’s struggles are interconnected and complementary, and therefore has a commitment to international solidarity.
WLUML actively endorses plurality and autonomy, and consciously reflects, recognises and values a diversity of opinions. Individuals and groups linked through the network define their own particular priorities and strategies according to their context.
The personal has always played an important part in the work of WLUML, which values the solidarity and active support that the networkers extend to each other by way of personal links.
WHAT DOES WLUML DO?
Solidarity & Alerts
WLUML responds to, circulates and initiates international alerts for action and campaigns as requested by networking groups and allies. WLUML also provides concrete support for individual women in the form of information on their legal rights, assistance with asylum applications, and links with relevant support institutions, psychological support, etc.
Networking & Information Services
WLUML puts women in direct contact with each other to facilitate a non-hierarchical exchange of information, expertise, strategies and experience. Networking also involves documenting trends, proactively circulating information among networkers and allies, generating new analysis, and supporting networkers’ participation in exchanges and international events. While WLUML prioritises the needs of networkers, it also selectively responds to requests for information from, for example, academics, activists, the media, international agencies and government institutions.
Capacity Building
WLUML consciously builds the capacity of networking groups through internships at the coordination offices, and exchanges, trainings and workshops.
Publications and Media
WLUML collects, analyses and circulates information regarding women’s diverse experiences and strategies in Muslim contexts using a variety of media. It translates information into and from French, Arabic and English wherever possible. Networking groups also translate information into numerous other languages.
An active publications programme produces:
- A theme based Dossier, an occasional journal which provides information about the lives, struggles and strategies of women in various Muslim communities and countries;
- A quarterly Newsheet on women, laws and society by Shirkat Gah, WLUML Asia Regional Coordination Office;
- Occasional Papers - specific studies and materials which, for reasons of length or style, cannot be included in the Dossier series and;
- Other publications on specific issues of concern such as family laws, women's movements, initiatives and strategies, etc.
The WLUML website is in English, French and Arabic and updated regularly with news and views, calls for action and publications.
Collective Projects
Collective projects have included topic-specific initiatives that arise out of the shared needs, interests and analysis of networkers. Networking groups and individuals are free to participate, or not, according to their needs and capacity, and collective projects have involved from three to over twenty networking groups and lasted from a few months to ten years. Projects are principally coordinated and implemented by networking groups or individual networkers in their respective countries or communities; the coordination offices provide facilitation when necessary.
Collective projects have included training sessions, workshops, research for advocacy, meetings and exchanges around specialised topics.
Previous projects include:
- Exchange programme (1988)
- Qur’anic interpretations meetings (1990) and for West African networkers (2002) and Francophone West Africa (2004)
- Women and Law in the Muslim world programme (1991-2001)
- Feminism in the Muslim World Leadership Institutes (1998 and 1999)
- Gender and displacement in Muslim contexts (1999-2002)
- Initiative for Strengthening Afghan Family Laws – INSAF (2002 - present)
CONTACT US
Africa & Middle East Coordination OfficeGroupe de Recherche sur les Femmes et les Lois au Senegal (GREFELS)
PO BOX 5330, Dakar Fann, Dakar, Senegal
Email: grefels@gmail.com
Asia Coordination Office
Shirkat Gah Women's Resource Centre
PO Box 5192, Lahore, Pakistan
Email: sgah@sgah.org.pk
Website: www.shirkatgah.org
International Coordination Office
PO Box 28445, London, N19 5NZ, UK
Email: wluml@wluml.org
Links to check out from Helem.net links page
- International Lesbian & Gay Association
- International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission
- Astraea Lesbian Foundation for Justice
- Human Right Campaign
- International Day Against Homophobia
Resources
- Huriyah - a queer Muslim magazine
- Progressive Arab Online Journal
- I Exist: Voices from the Lesbian & Gay Middle Eastern Community in the U.S.
- Dangerous Living: Coming Out in the Developing World
- The Road to Love
- The Garden
- Toul Omri
- Bab Al Hourria - Gay Maghrib (in French)
- Kelma in France (Le Site Ethnik et gay)
- Gay and Lesbian Arab Society (GLAS) in New York
- Southwest Asian and North African (SWANA) Queers in U.S.A.
- Gay Egypt - Egyptian NGO for LGBT
- Gay Lebanon - Lebanese LGBT
- Al Qaws - Palestinian LGBT
- Bisexual Foundation
- Bi.org
- Bi The Way - BLGT web site
- Susans.org - Transgender resources
- Song Weaver gender issues
Music
- NaR - a queer Arab hip hop group (Nayla & Mazen)
- Juha - Queer Palestinian Hip Hop group
- Iambic Dream Project (Wael K.: out gay Arab singer and musician)
Movies
Religion
- Al-Fatiha Foundation - International organization for LGBTQ Muslims
- Safra Project for queer Muslim women
- Yoesuf Foundation (scholarly publications in Dutch on Islam and homosexuality)
- Gay Bros - Molecular Genetic Study of Sexual Orientation
- Gay and Lesbian Medical Association
First gay Egyptian movie premiering on June 22nd 2008
Its protagonists are gay men, and we see their problems facing up to persecution and discrimination, particularly in the wake of the 2001 witch-hunts against them, the most famous being the Queen Boat arrests in which 52 alleged homosexuals were tried in a national security court.
Although Egyptian cinema, since its inception, has presented many homosexual characters, most of these have been comic devices inserted to generate a few cheap laughs. The only serious portrayals of homosexuality have been through a few minor characters in a handful of Egyptian films like Salah Abou Seif's The Bathhouse of Malatily (1973), Youssef Chahine's Alexandria... Why? (1978), Asmaa Bakry's Mendiants et Orgueilleux (1991), Yousry Nasrallah's Marcides (1993), and Marwan Hamed’s The Yacoubian Building (2007). However, these were presented in a manner so subtle, merely hinted at, to be detected by the initiated.
All My Life tells the story of people whose story remains unheard. It is a tale of difference, of those who have been silenced and forced to disappear. The movie embodies the 1970s feminist quote, "The personal is political." Even now, human rights activists expect gays and lesbians to wait until other, "more important" issues are resolved. But piecemeal freedom is no freedom at all; and the most important step towards it is making sure the oppressed have a voice.
The title "Toul Omri/All My Life" is based on the title of an Egyptian song from the 1930s, "Toul Omri Ayesh Liwahdi" ("All My Life I've Lived Alone") by Mohamad Abdel-wahab . The song speaks of loneliness while among family and friends, and the search for a soulmate. Other than being the central metaphor for the film, the song (played briefly during the movie) also harks back to the spirit of an age, not so long ago, when society was more liberal and the spread of political fundamentalism had not yet encroached onto the private sphere.
All My Life was shot against overwhelming odds: a no-budget film shot on location in Cairo and California, it took three years to finish and depended on volunteer work and the assistance of the community. Shooting in the street, in borrowed locations and their own homes, the cast and crew of the movie doubled as key grips, boom operators, set builders and refreshment servers. The result was a team effort in every sense of the word.
Despite the risks (all the Egyptian scenes were shot guerrilla-style due to government restrictions on street filming), it was absolutely indispensable for the film to be shot both in Egypt and California. While emigration is a theme of the movie, escape is not a solution: those who are different should not be harassed into abandoning their homeland. By utilizing Arab talent at home and in the diaspora, we hope to spark a dialogue spanning continents and bringing crucial issues out into the open.
According to the film's director/screenwriter Maher Sabry:
"We all build fences around ourselves to protect ourselves from pain; that's why it's easy, when we see others treated unjustly, to assume that they must have done something to deserve punishment. It's especially easy if they believe differently from us or live a lifestyle we don't approve of. Then it comes around to us, and others say the same.. and so on until we all know what it feels like to be oppressed."
With the rise of the wave of conservatism in Egypt and the Arab world in recent years, artists have become increasingly unable to tackle a number of subjects that were dealt with in Egyptian cinema in the past. Last year, following the screening of Egyptian film The Yacoubian Building, 112 members of the Egyptian Parliament - one-quarter of the total - signed a petition demanding the removal of the scenes portraying the only homosexual character in the film. And yet, the portrayal of the gay character in Yacoubian Building is tame compared to the one in The Malatili Bathhouse in 1973, more than thirty years earlier. All My Life, a product of guerrilla filmmaking, breaks every taboo imposed by Egyptian censorship, sexual, social and political. According to the director,
"Censorship is a knife in the heart of any artistic movement. The censor treats me like a child, telling me, as a person, what to read, what to hear, what to watch, and therefore how to think, how to express myself. All this is done in the name of "protecting the public interest" but in fact it is "protecting power-holders and political interests. Censorship only flourishes in countries with corrupt and tyrannical governments afraid of a rise in public awareness; it guarantees the maintenance of the status quo. Just as the Internet revolution has opened the door to people to express themselves uncensored, so the digital filmmaking revolution has given me the same opportunity. I knew from the start that my movie would never officially be allowed a public screening; but I'm confident that people will see it, because where there is corruption, video piracy is all the rage. When the festivals are over, it'll be for sale on the sidewalks like all banned films. This way, I know I may not recoup the money I spent on the film, but at least I'll have achieved self-fulfillment."
Director/screenwriter Maher Sabry "was the first director to portray gay and lesbian love in lyrical and sympathetic manner on stage, in fact in the Egyptian media as a whole..." (Arts and the Islamic World, vol.35). His work as a gay activist for Egyptian LGBT, including alerting the international community to the notorious Queen Boat arrests of 2001, and helping its victims, earned him the Felipa de Souza Award, in 2002, from the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC). He has made several short films and a documentary. "All My Life" is his first feature length.
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For more information, or an interview with the director, please email Pakinam Refaat, at pr@maraiafilm.com
EUFS was founded in 2005 by a group of artists and intellectuals seeking a creative outlet away from the restrictions of censorship and conservative production values. EUFS is open to new members, both independent filmmakers and supporters of creative freedom. If you'd like more information about EUFS, or are interested in joining the group, please e-mail Sarah at eufs@maraiafilm.com.
Movie's web site: http://maraiafilm.com/eufs/allmylife.html
Trailers: http://maraiafilm.com/eufs/trailer.html
Photo Gallery: http://maraiafilm.com/eufs/images.html
Press release in Arabic: http://maraiafilm.com/eufs/arprelease.html
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From http://www.jaridtak.com/articles/display_article.php?id=305
مخرج "طول عمري" يرد على طلب مفتي مصر الأسبق بحرق فيلمه
القاهرة -- ردًا على مفتى مصر الأسبق الدكتور نصر فريد واصل، ومطالبته بمصادرة فيلم طول عمري و"حرقه فوراً"، تعلن الجمعية المصرية للافلام المهمشة عن اسفها لما صدر عن المفتي على لسان مخرج الفيلم ماهر صبري: "احنا في القرن الواحد والعشرين لكن لسه فيه اصوات عايشين في العصور الوسطى وبتنادي بحرق كل اللي يخالفهم في الرأي.
حضارتنا في الشرق (او الحضارة الاسلامية) ازدهرت لما كانت الحرية في بلادنا هي الطابع الغالب وسقطت الحضارة دي مع حرق الكتب ومصادرة الرأي الآخر وتكفير المعارضين. تصريح المفتي الاسبق واللي بيمثله من سلطة دينية بيؤدي لتطرف اكتر وتحجر في الرآي اكتر."
وكان الفيلم قد عرض في مهرجان "فريم لاين" يوم ٢٢ يونيو بسان فرنسيسكو، حيث اكتظت السينما بالجمهور بينما اصطف الكثيرون امام شباك التذاكر. وفي نهاية الفيلم ومع عرض تيترات الفيلم، وقف الكل و ضجت القاعة بالتصفيق. وتناولت الندوة التي تلت الفيلم موضوعات كالجنس والسياسة والعلاقة بينهما." الحياة الشخصية جزء لا يتجزأ من السياسة العامة" عبارة تكررت طوال الندوة، حيث ناقش الجمهور مع المخرج كيف يمثل قهر الاقليات الجنسية الخطوة الاولى والاسهل في سلسلة من الاجراءات لبتر الحريات الاخرى. ومن هنا فلا عجب من رد التقليديين على الفيلم.
اما عن تصريح المفتي فقال المخرج:
"انا مش مستغرب من اللي حصل. دي حاجة كنت متوقعها، ورغم كدة لسة وقعها علىّ مؤلم، لانه مؤشر للحال اللي وصلنا ليه من تخلف. احنا دلوقت عايشين في عصر الردة الثقافية. عصر بيتسجن فيه المخالف في الرأي والمرشح الجمهوري والاقليات الدينية. احنا بنتشدق بالحضارة الاسلامية لكن لو الناس اللي بنو الحضارة دي كانو اتولدو في عصرنا الي عايشينه دلوقت كانت حاتطلع فتاوي ضدهم وكانو حيحرقوا كتبهم واعمالهم."
كما تعلن الجمعية أيضًا عن اسفها لما صدر عن مدير برنامج مكافحة الايدز في مصر الدكتور زين العابدين وتصريحه بأن الفيلم " ضربة موجعة لكل الجهود التى نبذلها لمكافحة فيروس الايدز ". رغم ان الدكتور زين العابدين لم يشاهد الفيلم فقد بنى رأيه فقط على انه يتناول حياة المثليين جنسيًا. وقد قال في حديثه للعربية نت: " ان الممارسات الجنسية غير الطبيعية تأتي في المرتبة الثانية لاحتمالات الاصابة بهذا المرض بعد نقل الدم". موحيًا بأن فيروس نقصان المناعة ومرض الايدز لا يصيبان إلا المثليين. وقد تغاضی بذلك عن الحقائق العلمية وارقام الإحْصائِيّات التي تشير الى ان مرض الايدز ينتشر ايضًا بين المغايرين جنسيًا والاطفال. فللأسف ان هذه التصاريح توحي بان المرض لا يصيب الا فئات معينة دون الاخرى، مما يشعر عامة الناس بالأمان الزائف ويوزيد من انتشار المرض.
وعن تصريح مدير برنامج مكافحة الايدز صرح ممثل الجمعية المصرية للافلام المهمشة "نحن نعيش نفس الاحداث التي مرت بها الولايات المتحدة في عصر الرئيس ريجان، الذي فرض اجندته الايديولوجية، حين تم التعتيم على الاسباب الحقيقية لفيروس نقصان المناعة ومرض الايدز والخداع الاعلامي بان المرض يصيب المثليين دون غيرهم مما ادى الى كارثة انتشار المرض. وللاسف الشديد ان حالة إنكار الحقائق التي نعيشها والتكتم ورفض المناقشة العلنية للمواضيع الحساسة والتي تمس الناس يؤدي الى احداث لا تحمد عواقبها."
كما قال المخرج ماهر صبري: "رغم اني كنت متوقع الهجوم على الفيلم من كل الاوساط التقليدية الا ان تصريح الدكتور زين العابدين كان مفاجأة. مش قادر افهم إزاى الدكتور يعتبر ان فيلمي هو الضربة الموجعة لجهود المركز في الوقت اللي الحكومة المصرية بتقبض فيه على مرضى الايدز وتحاكمهم بتهمة الفجور ، والناس اللي عرضة للمرض خايفة تهوب ناحية المركز او المستشفيات الحكومية. لكن ده مؤشر للحالة العامة في مصر بين الاوساط المتعلمة اللي مابتقدرش تفرق بين الحقائق العلمية ومعتقداتهم الخاصة سواء كانت دينية او اجتماعية او خُرافية، وبتخدع الناس اللي بيثقوا فيهم على انهم السلطة العلمية."
ان اتفاق السلطة الدينية والسلطة العلمية في مقال العربية نت لا يمثلان رأي كل المصريين ولكنه ايضًا دَلالَه على التجاهل الكامل للاراء غير التقليدية وتنحية التيار المتحرر جانبًا. وعدم أخذ رأيه وتجاهله تمامًا مما يزيد من حالة التردي الفكري للبلاد.
http://maraiafilm.com/eufs/allmylife.html
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تأسست الجمعية المصرية للافلام المهمشة في سنة ٢٠٠٥ بواسطة مجموعة من الفنانين والمثقفين الذين يسعون إلی مَخرج إبداعي بعيدًا عن تعسفات الرقابة وقيم الانتاج المتحفظة. الجمعية تقبل أعضاء جدد من صانعي الافلام المستقلة/الحرة ومُناصري الحرية الابداعية. للمزيد من المعلومات عن الجمعية، أو للإنضمام لها، الرجاء إرسال رسالة اليكترونية إلی سارة علی العنوان التالي:
eufs@maraiafilm.com
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http://www.jaridtak.com
أجرأ فيلم مصري : "طول عمري"
تمّ تصوير "طول عمري" في مدينتي القاهرة وسان فرانسيسكـو رغم كل الصعوبات، وإستغرق تصويره ثلاث سنوات. موسيقى الفيلم للملحن اللبناني الدكتور إلياس ايليا. أما الممثلون فتتطوعوا وتوافدوا من مصر، لبنان، العراق، السعودية، البحرين، ليبيا، المغرب، المكسيك والولايات المتحدة الأمريكية لإنجاز هذا الفيلم الضخم.
القاهرة، في ٢٠ مايو (أيّار) ٢٠٠٨ -- يسرّ الجمعية المصرية للافلام المهمشة أن تعلن عن العرض العالمي الأول لإنتاجها الأول، فيلم "طول عمري"، ضمن مهرجان فرايم لاين 32 ، مهرجان سان فرانسيسكـو السينمائي الدولي للافلام المثلية من ١٩ حتى ٢٩ يناير (حزيران)، وهو المهرجان الأقدم والأضخم لأفلام أحرار الجنس في العالم!وفيلم "طول عمري" يندرج في خانة سينما أحرار الجنس الجديدة. يتناول الفيلم حياة بعض المثليين والمشاكل التي تواجههم في ظل التمييز الإجتماعي والإضطهاد نحوهم، خاصةً بعد الحملات التعسفية ضدهم التي إزدادت منذ سنة ٢٠٠١ وأشهر تلك الحملات قضية الـكوين بوت والتي قبض فيها علی ٥٢ رجلٍ بإدعاء أنهم مثليون جنسيًا وجرت محاكمتهم في محاكم أمن الدولةعنوان الفيلم "طول عمري" مُستوحى من أغنية "طول عمري عايش لوحدي" من الثلاثينات للموسيقار المرحوم محمد عبد الوهاب. موضوع الأغنية هو العيش وحيداً بين "الأهل والخلّان"، والبحث عن رفيق الروح. هذه الأغنية التي عُزفت بشكل مُقتضب في الفيلم ليست فقط إستعارة أدبية رئيسية بل تعبّر عن زمن غير بعيد كان المجتمع فيه متحرراً أكثر ولم يكن إنتشار الأصولية السياسية قد إنتهك الحريات الشخصية بعد.
تمّ تصوير "طول عمري" في مدينتي القاهرة وسان فرانسيسكـو رغم كل الصعوبات، وهو فيلم بدون ميزانية إستغرق تصويره ثلاث سنوات، وإعتمد على عمل المتطوعين. تمّ التصوير في الشارع وفي بيوت المتطوعين. ساهم الممثلون والمساعدون في تشغيل آلة الصوت وحمل الميكروفون وبناء الديكور وتقديم المرطبات. هذا الفيلم هو مِثال لتعاون فريق العمل المتعاضد بكل ما في الكلمة من معنى.رغم كل المخاطر، كون كل المَشاهد في مصر قد صُوّرت على طريقة "الغوريلا" (أي صَوّر وأهرب) بسبب القيود التي تفرضها الدولة على التصوير في الشارع، كان ضرورياً تصوير الفيلم في مصر وكاليفورنيا. ورغم أنّ الهجرة هي من مواضيع الفيلم، فإن الهروب ليس حلاً. لا يجوز التضييق على مَن هم مختلفين حتى يتخلوا عن موطنهم. إستعنّا في هذا الفيلم بالمواهب العربية في العالم العربي وبلاد المهجر آملين إرسال شرارة الحوار عبر القارات ونقل الحوار حول مسائل هامّة الى العلن.
ويقول مخرج الفيلم، ماهر صبري، وهو أيضًا كاتب السيناريو والحوار: "كلنا بنبني اسوار حوالين نفسنا علشان نحميها من الوجع والالم. علشان كدة لما بنشوف الظلم بيحصل لغيرنا اسهل حاجة نعملها اننا نقنع نفسنا ان ده مش حيحصلنا، لأن أكيد ضحاية الظلم عملوا حاجة تستوجب عقابهم. ويمكن الضحاية دول بيؤمنوا بآفكار غير أفكارنا أو بيعيشوا بطريقة مش على مزاجنا فيبقى الموضوع اسهل بكتير. ولما العجلة تدور ونقع تحتيها حنلاقي غيرنا بيقولوا لنفسهم نفس الكلام لحد مايبقاش فيه حد ماداقش الظلم."
مع تزايد الموجة المتحفظة والمتشددة في مصر والعالم العربي في السنوات الأخيرة، أصبح الفنان العربي لا يستطيع أن يتناول الكثير من الموضوعات التي تناولتها السينما المصرية في الماضي. مثال علی ذلك، في العام الماضي عندما عُرض الفيلم المصري "عمارة يعقوبيان، " قام 112 عضو من اعضاء مجلس الشعب، ربع اعضاء المجلس، بالتوقيع على بيان يطالبون فيه بحذف مشاهد الشخصية المثلية. وبالمقارنة بين الطريقة التي قُدمت بها الشخصية المثلية في هذا الفيلم وبين الطريقة التي قدمت بها الشخصية المثلية مثلًا في فيلم "حمام الملاطيلي" (١٩٧٣) نجد ان مخرج "عمارة يعقوبيان" كان أكثر تحفظًا من نظيره في السبعينيات. فيلم "طول عمري"، واللذي صور بطريقة تعرف باسم سينما الغوريلا يقوم بكسر كل التابوهات والمحرمات التي تفرضها الرقابة المصرية، سواء كانت جنسية أو إجتماعية أو سياسية.
وعن ذلك يقول مخرج الفيلم: "الرقابة عبارة عن خنجر في قلب الحركة الإبداعية. الرقيب بيعاملني زي الطفل بيحدد لي كإنسان أقرا إيه، وأسمع إيه، وأشوف إيه. وبالتالي بيحدد لي أفكر إزاي وأعبّر إزاي. كل ده باسم "حماية الصالح العام" لكن بالفعل هو "حماية السلطة والكرسي" الرقابة مش موجودة غير في البلاد اللي تحت حكومات فاسدة ومستبدة واللي بتخاف إن شعبها يكون عنده وعي وبكده تضمن ان الوضع يفضل على ماهو عليه. وزي ما ثورة الإنترنت فتحت الباب للتاس اتها تعبر عن نفسها بالكتابة من غير رقابة ، ثورة صناعة الافلام الديجيتال حققتلي نفس الفرصة.
من البداية وانا عارف ان الفيلم بتاعي مش حايتسمح له يتعرض بشكل رسمي لكن متأكد إن الناس حاتشوفو لان تحت الفساد، قرصنة الڤيديو شغالة علی ودنه. يعني بعد المهرجانات حتلاقي الفيلم بيتباع عالرصيف مع كل الافلام الممنوعة. يمكن بالطريقة دي مش حاعوض تكاليف الفيلم، لكن حأحقق إشباع ذاتي."
ماهر صبري مخرج سيبمائي ومسرحي ورسام كاريكاتير. كان "أول مخرج يقدم الحب بين المثليين والمثليات بشكل شاعري علی خشبة المسرح [المصري]، بل وفي وسائل الإعلام كافة... (الفن والعالم الإسلامي، المجلد الـ35) ادى عمله كنشط من أجل حقوق المثليين في مصر، الذي يتضمن العمل على إعلان قضية الكوين بوت في 2001 ومساعدة ضحاياها، الى حصوله على جائزة فليپة دو سوزا، في سنة 2002، من المنظمة الدولية لحقوق الانسان من المثليين والمثليات. قام بإخراج عدة افلام قصيرة وتسجيلية. "طول عـمري" هو اول فيلم روائي طويل له. للمزيد من المعلومات، او لمقابلة صحافية مع المخرج، الرجاء إرسال رسالة عبر البريد الإلكتروني إلی پاكينام رفعت علی العنوان التالي: pr@maraiafilm.com
تأسست الجمعية المصرية للافلام المهمشة في سنة ٢٠٠٥ بواسطة مجموعة من الفنانين والمثقفين الذين يسعون إلی مَخرج إبداعي بعيدًا عن تعسفات الرقابة وقيم الانتاج المتحفظة. الجمعية تقبل أعضاء جدد من صانعي الافلام المستقلة/الحرة ومُناصري الحرية الابداعية. للمزيد من المعلومات عن الجمعية، أو للإنضمام لها، الرجاء إرسال رسالة اليكترونية إلی سارة علی العنوان التالي: eufs@maraiafilm.com پـاكينام رفـعـت القاهرة، مصر
pr@maraiafilm.com
Web site: http://maraiafilm.com/eufs/allmylife.htmlTrailers: http://maraiafilm.com/eufs/trailer.html Photo Gallery: http://maraiafilm.com/eufs/images.html
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http://www.jaridtak.com/articles/display_article.php?id=311
Unspeakable Love - Gay and Lesbian Life in the Middle East - a Book by Brian Whitaker
Brian Whitaker
Unspeakable Love
Gay and Lesbian Life in the Middle East
"With all the reams of Western paper devoted to the study of the Middle East, remarkably little has been said about the status of gay men and lesbians in Arab and Islamic cultures and religious texts. U.K. journalist Whitaker builds an important first bridge across this gap. "—Out
"The book boldly delves into one of the biggest taboos in modern Muslim societies with subtlety and sensitivity, addressing both Arab reformers and interested Western readers. [It] provides fascinating insights into the lives of ordinary gays and lesbians, and how society views and treats them." —Toronto Globe & Mail
"While directing readers toward the pinpoint of light at the end of the tunnel, Whitaker clearly demarcates tradition and family honor as two powerhouses eternally keeping Middle Eastern alternative lifestyles in the dark. . . . Strong, condensed, world-weary portrait infused with hope."—Kirkus Reviews
"This is an illuminating book on an important topic."—Publishers Weekly
"It is high time this issue was brought out of the closet once and for all, and afforded a frank and honest discussion. Brian Whitaker's humane, sophisticated, and deeply rewarding book, Unspeakable Love, does exactly that." – Ali Al-Ahmed, Saudi reform advocate and director of the Gulf Institute, Washington
"This book is a compelling read. It captures with detail and with disturbing accuracy the difficulties and dangers facing lesbians and gay men across the Middle East. It helps us to understand the social pressure, the sense of isolation, the anxiety and fear and trauma. And through it all we glimpse also the possibility of hope, of remarkable courage, and perhaps even in the longer term the chance of a more open and accepting society." – Chris Smith MP, Former UK Secretary of State for Culture
"Brian Whitaker has given us a moving analysis of the hidden lives of Arab homosexuals. This genuinely groundbreaking investigation reveals a side of Arab and Muslim culture shrouded by the strictest taboos. Arab societies can no longer contain their cultural, religious, ethnic or sexual diversity within their traditional patriarchal definitions of the public sphere. Anyone interested in reform in the Arab world must read this book." – Mai Yamani, Research Fellow at Chatham House and author of Cradle of Islam
Whitaker's exploration of changing sexual behavior in the Arab world reveals that—while deeply repressive prejudices and stereotypes still govern much thinking about homosexuality—there are pockets of change and tolerance. The author combines personal accounts from individuals in the region with a look at recent Arab films and novels featuring gay characters and conducts a sensitive comparative reading of Christian, Jewish, and Islamic strictures around sexuality. Deeply informed and engagingly written, Unspeakable Love draws long overdue attention to a crucial subject.
Copub: Saqi Books
Recommendations for Gender-Specific Implementation of the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders
Recommendations for Gender-Specific Implementation
of the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders
Endorsed by:
Amnesty International (AI)
Asia Pacific Forum on Women Law and Development (APWLD)
Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (Forum Asia)
Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL)
Front Line
Human Rights First
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
Information Monitor (INFORM)
International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
Urgent Action Fund for Women's Human Rights (UAF)
World Organisation against Torture (OMCT)
This draft document outlines concrete suggestions for EU Missions (including embassies and consulates of EU member states and European Commission delegations) in implementing “Ensuring protection – the European Union Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders” (EU Guidelines). It is specifically aimed to ensure due support and protection of women human rights defenders.
Women human rights defenders (WHRDs) is a term referring to women who individually or with others act to promote and protect human rights; it also refers to any individual working specifically to promote women’s rights. This sub-category of defenders has been singled out because women activists face risks particular to their gender committed by both state and non-state actors (including their families and communities), in particular when they confront and challenge cultural, religious or social norms about the role and status of women in their societies. Whether or not they work to ensure reproductive and sexual rights, the rights of lesbian gay bisexual and transgender (LGBT) individuals or people living with HIV/AIDS, their protection falls squarely within international legal obligations of all states to ensure the realisation of the fundamental human rights of all, including WHRDs.
Because of prescribed gender roles, their often marginalized social status, and at times the “controversial” nature of their work, WHRDs encounter additional risks and obstacles to those faced by their male counterparts. These risks include sexual assault and harassment, various forms of violence and the use of pejorative ideas about sexuality to discredit their individual reputations, their work, and their political agendas. Consequently, WHRDs are often the ones who require the utmost support and protection.
Our organisations specifically call for:
- The adoption of specific conclusions by the General Affairs External Relations Council (GAERC) taking note of the risks and obstacles faced by WHRDs in the exercise of their activities, emphasizing the urgency and necessity of enhancing their protection and stressing the importance of applying a gender perspective in addressing human rights defenders issues;
- The incorporation of gender-specific recommendations and implementation tools into the Handbook on the Implementation of the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders (as drafted under the Dutch Presidency);
- The dissemination of gender-specific recommendations for the protection of WHRDs to all missions as soon as possible and their full implementation.
- The incorporation of the gender-specific recommendations in training for mission staff on HRDs to ensure specific focus on issues related to WHRDs.
1. Monitoring, reporting, assessment (Section IV, Article 8)
Pursuant to Section IV, Article 8 of the EU Guidelines, EU Heads of Mission (HoM) are requested to cover the situation of human rights defenders (HRDs) in periodic human rights reports. In monitoring the occurrence of any “threats or attacks against HRDs,” HoMs are requested to assess measures (legislative, judicial, administrative, etc.) taken by the State to protect against “violence, threats, retaliation, de facto or de jure adverse discrimination, pressure or any other arbitrary action” that curtail the exercise of the rights enshrined in the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders.
1.1 Violence, threats, retaliation
- Document gender-specific or gender-motivated threats, retaliation and violence
Specific violations most commonly endured by WHRDs tend to be ignored. In fulfilling the monitoring and periodic reporting requirements to the Council Working Party on Human Rights (COHOM), HoM should also use the guidelines for documenting human rights violations against WHRDs . EU Missions should also devise documentation systems or sustained and systemic ways to record incidents of violence, retaliation and threats against WHRDs, particularly by non-state actors including armed groups, community and religious leaders, family and community members and other activists.
- Accurately assess the severity of gender-driven harassment and threats
When assessing the situation of HRDs, EU Missions must accord due and equal weight to all forms of violence and threats whether they occur in the public or private sphere. EU HoMs should endeavour to document overt public violence, threats and repression of women defenders, as well as the lesser documented, more subtle and insidious violations that take place in the private sphere. Intimidation and hostility against WHRDs aimed to discredit their work by, for example, vilifying them based on their actual or perceived sexual practises or their rejection of prescribed gender roles (also known as “sexuality baiting”) must be recognized seriously and redress instituted properly.
- Incorporate the situation of WHRDs in periodic human rights reports
In fulfilling the monitoring and periodic reporting requirements to the COHOM, HoM should include an assessment of the situation of WHRDs in a particular country drawing from the reports and recommendations of the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General on Human Rights Defenders (both annual reports and country reports). It is also important to take into consideration communications on specific cases on WHRDs at risk addressed by the Special Representative to Governments. In many cases, annual and country reports of the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, its causes and consequences can also be a valuable resource on the violations and abuses against WHRDs.
- Consult with WHRDs and women’s organisations when producing human rights reports
The HoM should consult WHRDs and women’s non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in their respective countries for additional or alternative information on the situation of WHRDs in a particular country.
- Analyse state response to gender-based discriminatory laws and practices
- Monitor equal participation of women in public and civil life
EU Missions should report on discriminatory practices and laws which exclusively or disproportionately adversely impact on women and curtail their access to participation in public and civil life, especially as defenders of human rights. EU Missions should take particular note of the impact of prevailing attitudes that discredit and dismiss women as experts on certain issues - such as religion and security, thus exclude them from debates related to women’s rights.
- Document the absence of public platforms for pro-women’s human rights views
The gender-neutral interpretations of the freedom of expression fail to account for state and social pressure that silence women who wish to promote women’s rights by challenging national, local, social, or religious customs or conventions. Moreover, state regulations that disallow the formation or deny or revoke registration of NGOs impact in particular on WHRDs who are already more likely to be excluded from formal public spaces. To counter the effective marginalisation of women’s views from the public sphere, EU Missions could facilitate their access to public platforms and the full realisation of their rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly.
- Document lack of access to form associations and organisations
Women’s lower socio-economic position and discriminatory legal or social practices deny women access to resources that can impinge on the exercise of their right to form human rights associations. Other laws or practices that require the approval of a male relative or a guardian for legal action or social sanction of a woman’s activism likewise prevent women from informally organizing or formally establishing groups. EU Missions could highlight cases where women activists are barred to organise themselves or are unable to access resources to form associations and organisations.
- Monitor impunity for attack against WHRDs
In monitoring whether cases of violations against defenders are investigated, perpetrators brought to justice and victims compensated, EU Missions should account for unequal treatment of WHRDs who are subject to abuse. Perpetrators of violations against female – as opposed to male – human rights defenders enjoy greater impunity in countries with biased legal justice systems or discriminatory laws and practices or social attitudes that do not consider women as equal under the law or fail to take seriously violations against women. This situation is particularly prevalent when perpetrators are members of the WHRD’s family or community and the state lacks or fails to enforce protective or remedial measures for such violence against women.
Assessing the generalised patterns of gender-based discrimination will enable a more accurate and nuanced evaluation of the legal and social obstacles that hamper women from pursing human rights work. EU Missions should highlight the failures of states to enact measures to protect, promote and fulfil women’s rights, including the rights of women to defend human rights, and .in particular, to ensure that WHRDs can conduct their activities without threats to their organisations and networks, whether they are legally or informally established.
- Account for intersectional obstacles and risks faced by WHRDs
WHRDs are attacked for who they are in addition to what they do. When monitoring incidents against WHRDs and in assessing the level of risk and challenge to their work and person, the compound impact of various social factors should be considered. This is of particular concern when women’s various identity factors are compounded by hostility towards the political work they do. For example, women who work to promote the land rights of their indigenous communities struggle against hostility based on their gender and ethnicity. Women active in trade unions or organisations for fair labour practices are particularly marginalised in countries where the female workforce is least protected and most exploited. 1.3 Pressure and Other Arbitrary Action
- Document incidents of pressure not only by State but also by non-State actors designed to silence women and discourage their activism
In undertaking monitoring efforts pursuant to Section IV, Article 8, EU Missions should consider conducting field missions to highlight and verify little known or publicised violations against women defenders, in particular those operating in remote areas or who work on issues that challenge or are deemed to “transgress” social and religious conventions subjecting them to grave risk of violations by non-state actors. Such documentation can form the basis for EU Missions to call on states to investigate incidents of pressure, threats and abuse against WHRDs and to act to ensure redress for these violations and abuses, particularly by non-state actors.
- Document donor funding policies that selectively mute women defenders working on certain rights
EU Missions should assess and evaluate EU and other donor funding policies that undermine support for comprehensive programmes that promote sexuality and reproductive rights, including work on HIV/AIDS and work with sex workers and IV drug users. Reduced funding to these presumably controversial areas endangers not only the provision of services and advocacy around these issues, but also contributes to a social climate of impunity for abuse against WHRDs who engage in such work.
- Document curtailment of the freedoms of expression and association that inhibit the advocacy for women’s rights
EU Missions should also reflect in their documentation the rise in incidents of governments that are closing down borders, restricting movement, freedom of association and freedom of speech to stop human rights defenders from gathering together to advocate for human rights issues, such as civil society meetings and actions around WTO, IFIs, etc. Curtailing these freedoms also inhibit the work of WHRDs and the advocacy for women’s rights.
Section IV, Article 10 of the EU Guidelines outlines possible measures that may be undertaken by EU Missions on behalf of and in consultation with human rights defenders. Notably, EU statements should regularly cite and address violations against WHRDs and the political, legal, economic and social contexts enabling the persistence of such abuse.
2.1 Co-ordinating closely and sharing information on human rights defenders, including WHRDs- Form in-country working group of EU Missions staff working on human rights, gender, democracy, security and development policy
These country working groups, addressing different thematic concerns, should meet and strategise regularly about the situation of human rights defenders, including that of WHRDs.
- WHRD Focal Points in EU missions and delegations
Designate contact persons or focal points within the EU Missions and delegations that are gender-sensitive and aware of the specificities of WHRDs to facilitate contact with WHRDs.
- Involve WHRDs and members of international, regional and national NGOs
WHRDs and those who work for and with WHRDs should be involved in regular information and strategy meetings about protection and support for women defenders. It should also be ensured that contacts and dialogue with women and human rights defenders are not restricted to organisations funded by the EC or EU member states, and that discussions transcend a donor-beneficiary relationship. Dialogue on a regular basis with local WHRDs is also necessary to better identify their concerns and tailor interventions and support to their specific needs.
- Maintain “Watch List” of violations against WHRDs
Create a database of violations against defenders and collect case studies to highlight systematic violations and abuses against WHRDs. An alert system for monitoring and responding to threats or abuses against WHRDs can be developed based on this database. Note that such a list may only be initiated and maintained with the consent of the WHRDs and any information contained therein must be kept strictly confidential and under restricted access to ensure that it does not put WHRDs at greater risk.
- Provide in country temporary shelter for WHRDs at grave risk
Since threats against WHRDs are often by family and community members and WHRDs may have less access to financial and other resources, EU Missions could offer temporary shelter in-country, in-region or elsewhere; refer WHRDs to other international organisations that assist human rights defenders at risk; or contribute to local initiatives, including shelters for women survivors of violence, to accommodate protection needs of WHRDs. EU Missions can also share information about expedited visa schemes or other temporary status option in EU member states for WHRDs at grave risk.
- Fund or provide for in-country protective accompaniment to WHRDs at risk
Accompaniment and protection procedures should be negotiated with the WHRDs at risk. EU Missions should be sensitive to the specific security perceptions and needs of WHRDs. For example, in many cases WHRDs would seek protection not only for themselves, but together with their children.
2.2. Maintaining, suitable contacts with human rights defenders, including by receiving them in Missions and visiting their areas of work, consideration could be given to appointing specific liaison officers….
- Maintain contacts with WHRDs, particularly those working on marginalised on ‘unpopular’ issues
Identify and outreach to WHRDs who work in remote areas or with populations or issues that are marginalised by the broad human rights agenda or the state. In particular, outreach to isolated WHRDs who work on controversial issues, such as those who work on violence against women, sexual and reproductive rights, and rights of LGBT individuals, people with HIV/AIDS, sex workers, and others. In the context of women activists who work at the community level and have not achieved public recognition for their work, this is crucial as they are most likely to suffer human rights violations without the public being aware of it.
- Create urgent action responses for WHRDs at risk
Urgent action responses may include emergency visits to the WHRD’s home or place of work; extension of an open invitation to enter EU Missions compounds when faced with a threatening situation; visit the police station or detention centre where the WHRD is kept; or prompt diplomatic action on her behalf.
- Ensure that WHRDs participate in political dialogues and reconstruction initiatives
EU Missions should ensure WHRDs are active participants in bilateral or multilateral political human rights dialogues; general meetings on human rights in the country of the missions; processes addressing conflict/ post-conflict reconstruction, pursuant to UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security and relevant EU documents on the inclusion of women in conflict resolution and peace initiatives. EU Missions should ensure women’s human rights form part of the agenda of these peace processes.
2.3 Providing, as and where appropriate, visible recognition to human rights defenders, through the use of appropriate publicity, visits or invitations
- Raise the profile of WHRDs, especially those working on marginalised issues
Providing visible recognition to WHRDs is particularly critical given the traditional separation in many countries between the mainstream human rights community and women’s rights movement. Visits from EU Missions and dissemination of materials that highlight the importance and legitimacy of the work of WHRDs are necessary, especially when they challenge traditional norms and practices. EU officials visiting men and women defenders should be of equivalent rank to ensure a consistent message about the equal importance and legitimacy of the work of all defenders.
- Conduct visits to arrested, detained and imprisoned WHRDs
Due process violations against WHRDs must be documented from the time of arrest.
EU Missions should request access to visit WHRDs held in police stations, pre-trial holding cells, any other detention centres, prisons and military bases. Note that EU delegations visiting WHRDs should include women representatives, preferably with experience in dealing with women’s human rights violations, to ensure that WHRDs have the option to meet with and confide in women delegates.
When visiting WHRDs, EU Missions should also consider whether WHRDs have access to medical and counsel and if they can afford legal representation, especially in cases where they allege sexual assault and rape and that such assistance is prompt, sensitive, and timely to gather evidence of abuse and provide support for the survivor. Visit reports should ensure that confidentiality is protected and other risks associated with breaches of privacy or disclosure of information related to WHRD work does not place defenders at further risk.
- Contribute to initiatives to establish rapid response intervention to aid WHRDs at risk
EU Missions could support networks of legal and other professionals that could immediately visit, provide medical assistance or legal counsel, or at a minimum, monitor the situation of WHRDs who have been arrested or detained. Lawyers, medical practitioners and other related professionals should be trained to identify gender-specific abuses and standards in assessing the case of arrested or detained WHRDs.
- Account for gender-specific violations against WHRDs during all stages of the judicial proceedings
Discriminatory legal systems, laws, practices, social attitudes or religious dicta undermine women’s equal access to the law. EU Missions should demand that WHRDs enjoy equal access to the law and the judicial investigations and proceedings against them are conducted in accordance with international fair trial standards and evolving legal norms about gender-specific violations.
- Attend and observe parallel legal system proceedings
WHRDs may be at particular risk of unfair judgements in parallel legal or social system trials, such as community tribunals, religious or customary law courts. Such venues could function as swift channels for condemnation and “sentencing” of WHRDs who transgress accepted norms in their advocacy for women’s rights.
- Evaluate investigations of abuses against WHRDs
Being present in-country, EU Missions are in an advantageous position to press for exhaustive and impartial investigations to be conducted regarding violations against WHRDs and demand that those responsible are brought to justice and the victims or their relatives provided with redress and reparation.
- Call for action against initiators of smear trials against WHRDs
EU Missions can identify state officials and non-state actors who abuse the criminal justice system, utilise the media or community to harass or threaten the reputations of WHRDs or curtail their legitimate activities for the defence of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Those identified in the trial observation reports could then be put forward for investigation and trial, as appropriate.
3. Promotion of respect for human rights defenders in relations with third countries and in multilateral fora (Article IV, Section 11)
The EU Guidelines is not only applicable to EU member states but also governs relations with third countries. As such, it can be used to influence governments, both within the EU and beyond, to adopt measure for the protection of WHRDs.
- Raising individual cases on WHRDs with third countries
Visits and dialogues with third countries can provide a unique opportunity for the EU to promote the rights of WHRDs. EU representatives should establish a practice of raising cases particularly on WHRDs with third countries, including those mentioned in the annual and country reports of the UN Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders and other Special Rapporteurs related to the protection of WHRDs.
- Facilitating exchanges between international and regional mechanisms on human rights defenders
The exchanges between international and regional mechanisms on HRDs have been instrumental in the creation of regional mechanisms, such as the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders of the African Commission on Human and People's Rights (ACHPR), the Human Rights Defenders Unit of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), the Focal Point on Human Rights Defenders of the OSCE, and the development of regional approaches to the implementation of the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders. These initiatives should be continued and the EU should support regular annual meetings between international and regional mechanisms, with a focus on the concerns of WHRDs.
- Strengthening regional mechanisms on HRDs
Providing financial support is one way in which the EU and its member states can contribute to the strengthening of regional mechanisms. Lack of resources has been a significant obstacle on the ability of these mechanisms to carry out monitoring, investigation, and protection and follow up functions. For example, the EU and its member states can support professional staff servicing these regional mechanisms that are sensitive to the concerns of WHRDs.
- Facilitating cross-sectoral exchanges between mechanisms on women’s rights and human rights defenders at regional and international levels
In order to ensure a gender-specific focus in the work of all mechanisms on human rights defenders at regional and international levels, the EU should also support meetings between women’s rights and human rights defenders mechanisms. These could include exchanges between the UN Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders, the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders of the ACHPR, the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, the African Commission’s Rapporteur on Women’s Rights, among other specialised mechanisms, whose mandate holders often undertake field missions and document the obstacles WHRDs face in conducting their work and the gender-specific nature of the violations against them.
4. Support for UN Special Procedures of the Commission on Human Rights, including the Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders (Article IV, Section 12)
The role of EU and its member states in the former UN Human Rights Commission and the General Assembly has proven essential to ensuring the passage of resolutions strengthening the mandate of the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General on Human Rights Defenders. This support has been particularly important in the context of the recent attempts by some countries, both at the Commission and at the General Assembly, to weaken the text of the Human Rights Defenders resolutions and to limit the scope of the UN Special Representative’s mandate.
- Support the renewal of the mandate of the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General on Human Rights Defenders and other relevant UN mechanisms
The mandate of the UN Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders is coming to an end in 2007. The uncertainty surrounding the UN reform process and the future of the procedures established under the former UN Commission on Human Rights raises questions regarding the certainty of renewing this mandate. In this context, The EU and its member states have an essential role to play by providing support to the renewal and strengthening of the mandate of the UN Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders and also influencing third countries to support this mandate. This proactive approach should also be adopted with regard to the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women.
- Strengthen exchanges between UN Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders and civil society
Support for regional and national consultations between the UN Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders and NGOs is another important mechanism for strengthening the work of the UN Special Representative and furthering the realisation of the rights of human rights defenders as codified in the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders.
5. Practical Support to Human Rights Defenders via Development Policy (Section IV, Article 13)
In providing practical support to WHRDs, EU delegations should seek collaboration with UN specialised agencies and other international cooperation agencies with representation at the country level, in particular those with gender-specific programmes and which support women’s groups, in order to ensure coordination in the implementation of the EU Guidelines with regard to WHRDs.5.1 Supporting human rights defenders through such activities as capacity building and public awareness campaigns
- Translate and distribute copies of the EU Guidelines to WHRDs
Disseminating not only the EU Guidelines, but also information about best practices, actions and measures adopted by EU Missions to implement the Guidelines will further its application and contribute to assisting WHRDs and NGOs in understanding the practical support that the EU Guidelines can offer to WHRDs.
- Ensure WHRDs have equal access to resources, capacity building and training opportunities
WHRDs, in particular those who work on issues of sexual and reproductive rights and economic, social and cultural rights are often marginalised and not recognised as bona fide human rights defenders with legitimate claims to exercise their right to defend human rights. Consequently, they are often excluded from broader opportunities available to human rights defenders in general. So EU Missions are encouraged to fund or provide capacity building trainings, and other academic and professional opportunities specifically for WHRDs and those engaging in defence of the rights noted above.
In particular, capacity building should include: Risk assessment and security training that address the gender-specific dimensions of risk and protection plans based on local context solutions; Skills and techniques on preventing, managing and coping with context-specific violations and risks of working as WHRDs; details in national and local languages on national, regional and international mechanisms and resources available for human rights defenders, and in particular WHRDS; training on monitoring, documenting and reporting violations of human rights, including against WHRDs themselves; developing documentation into advocacy materials and submission to national, regional or international human rights bodies; and campaigning techniques.
- Strengthened coordination on capacity-building activities
Coordination between staff of EU Missions, other EU bodies, and NGOs (international, regional and national) should be strengthened at the country level to carry out capacity building activities for human rights defenders in general, and more specifically WHRDs.
- Set up support mechanisms for multiple roles in the private and public spheres
Women still shoulder a disproportionate ratio of household and childrearing responsibilities. Due to the absence of support from family or community, who may oppose the activism of the WHRD, or the state (e.g. via subsided childcare), women activists are unable to carry out their human rights work. EU Missions should ensure that women’s multiple responsibilities are taken into account and they are provided with the support, including child care that will enable them to work as WHRDs.
- Strengthen well-being support services for WHRDs
Set up or support services for the well-being of WHRDs, including addressing their psycho-social needs on a personal, organisational and community level.
- Support international, regional and national capacity building initiatives on WHRDs
Support periodic national, regional and international consultations on WHRDs and assist in implementing follow-up actions, such as the development of a training manual on the documentation of violations against WHRDs, and the production of other resource materials on WHRDs.
5.2 Encouraging and supporting the establishment, and work, of national bodies for the promotion and protection of human rights….
- Track response of national human rights bodies to concerns of WHRDs
Encourage national human rights bodies to cover all human rights, and in particular those that disproportionately affect women. Encourage joint projects of national human rights bodies with women’s rights bodies or ministries. Advocate for the concerns of WHRDs to feature in the formation of the institutional mandate and on-going decision-making processes of national bodies. National bodies should have personnel to address violations against women and WHRDs.
- Document access of WHRDs to national human rights bodies and mechanisms
WHRDs are often unable to access national human rights bodies and mechanisms. EU Missions should report on such access by assessing the following: Are there staff with experience in handling complaints of gender-based violations? Are staff members sensitive to violations by non-state actors and the duty of the state to protect WHRDs? Do complaints by WHRDs receive equal attention to those by male human rights defenders? Are national institutions reluctant to take up cases deemed “controversial” because they involve defenders of sexuality or reproductive rights, including those of LGBT, sex workers or HIV/AIDS carriers?
5.3 Assisting in the establishment of networks of human rights defenders at an international level, including by facilitating meetings of human rights defenders
- Invite or fund WHRDs to attend sessions of UN and regional Human Rights bodies and meetings of inter-governmental bodies
EU Missions can facilitate invitations or funding for WHRDs to attend human rights meetings and events (e.g., African Union, Arab League, Council of Europe, Organization of American States, Organisation for the Security and Cooperation of Europe (OSCE), UN Human Rights Council, UN Treaty Bodies, UN Security Council) where they can testify and advocate on behalf of WHRDs in their country.
- Facilitate internships and tours of WHRDs to EU member states
Such trips could double as temporary protection measures for WHRDs facing risk, as well as strengthen ties with international networks of human rights defenders, human rights and women’s rights organisations, and enhance advocacy and future protection for the WHRDs.
- Ensure access to international networks
EU Missions should ensure that WHRDs are aware of and have access to existing support networks, regional and international initiatives for the support of WHRDs. For example, EU Missions can assist WHRDs who are unable or are restricted from submitting information to international or regional human rights bodies to safely contact international organisations that may be able to submit such material on their behalf. EU Missions could also fund WHRDs to attend international network meetings, solidarity events, and other women and human rights defenders activities worldwide.
- Encourage inclusive alliances across the human rights movement
EU Missions can facilitate through co-funding or co-sponsorship of networking events, conferences and workshops to foster and strengthen alliances across various segments of the human rights movements and incorporate a women’s human rights perspective into general human right agenda.
5.4 Seeking to ensure that human rights defenders in third countries can access resources, including financial, from abroad
- Prioritise funding to women’s rights programmes and initiatives As national and international funding to women’s rights programmes worldwide has suffered severe cut backs in recent years, the ability of women activists to advocate for women’s human rights has been compromised. EU funding priorities should emphasise the need to support the advocacy for the promotion of women’s rights. Note also the persistent lack of funding to defenders who work on the rights of LGBT, sex workers and people with HIV/AIDS. EU Missions can also urge international financial institutions and funding agencies to allocate adequate funding and resources for the full protection of WHRDs and the promotion of their rights.
- Create a resource pool earmarked for WHRDs Specific funding or resource pool for WHRDs and their activities should include funding relief for WHRDs at risk such as emergency support, legal defence fund, psycho-social counselling, and provisions for family care.
- Craft human rights and development assistance programmes to address concerns of WHRDs
EU member states should endeavour to develop human rights and development assistance programmes that address the wider economic, political and social contexts that inhibit or restrict women’s exercise of the right to defend human rights and allow for violations against WHRDs to take place.
- Repeal governmental regulations that restrict access to funds by WHRDs
EU institutions and its member states need to review their regulations and influence third countries to ensure that the funding process is accessible to local and national WHRDs and that registration requirements to receive funding are not being used to limit the operation of NGOs. EU institutions, delegations and missions should raise these issues in visits to third countries, and incorporate them in political dialogues between the EU and third countries.
5.5 “By ensuring that human rights education programmes promote, inter alia, the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders….”
- Support national implementation of Human Rights Defenders standards
Commission or fund national-level implementation of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders and identify gender-specific ways of implementing the provisions of these instruments in order to further the support and protection for WHRDs at the national level.
- Human Rights Education programmes at national and local levels These programmes should target law enforcement personnel, government agencies and actors in the legal system to sensitise them to the abuses faced by WHRDs and ensure that they deliver appropriate responses. Human rights education programmes at the community level should address gender stereotypes and prejudices that work to silence and restrict WHRDs in the community.
The recommendations contained in this document are drawn from the comments of the endorsing organisations and the outcome documents produced in national, regional and international fora, including the first international consultation on women human rights defenders (Sri Lanka, 29 Nov- Dec 2, 2005), and preceding regional consultations (e.g., in Africa (Dakar, Senegal, 18-19 November 2004) and Asia (Bangkok, Thailand, April 4-6, 2003), and national and regional workshops facilitated by AI, APWLD, Forum Asia, Front Line and other organisations.
Ensuring protection – the European Union Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders (2004), available at http://ue.eu.int/uedocs/cmsUpload/GuidelinesDefenders.pdf.